HAWLEY, Elizabeth

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• _COLOR: 6
• Possessions: Aft 21 Apr 1676, Roxbury, MA; six acres

Elizabeth married DORR, Edward in 1679 in Boston, MA. Edward (son of DORR, Joseph) was born on 9 Feb 1648 in England; died on 9 Feb 1734 in Roxbury, MA; was buried after 9 Feb 1734 in Roxbury, MA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• _COLOR: 2

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• Birth: 15 Nov 1683, Roxbury, MA
• Death: 28 Nov 1683, Roxbury, MA

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• Possessions: Roxbury, MA; Pew 36
• _COLOR: 6
• Misc: 5 Nov 1710, Roxbury, MA; Church Member
• Possessions: 5 Nov 1710, Roxbury, MA; The church covenant
• Appointed: Between 1 Mar 1713 and 1714, Roxbury, MA; Fence Viewer
• Appointed: Between 3 Mar 1717 and 1718, Roxbury, MA; Constable, Inspector of the Town Treasurer's accounts.
• Appointed: Between 6 Mar 1720 and 1721, Roxbury, MA; Clerks of the Market
• Appointed: 24 Oct 1721; Moderator
• Appointed: Between 12 Mar 1722 and 1723, Roxbury, MA; Auditor
• Appointed: Between 6 Mar 1726 and 1727, Roxbury, MA; Auditor
• Misc: 3 Sep 1727, Roxbury, MA; Church Member
• Appointed: 3 Mar 1728, Roxbury, MA; Surveyor of Highways
• Military: Between 1733 and 1734, Roxbury, MA
• Misc: 29 May 1737, Roxbury, MA; Church Member
• Appointed: 19 Sep 1750, Roxbury, MA; Committee
• Will: 22 Aug 1759, Roxbury, MA
• Probate: 9 Mar 1760, Suffolk County, MA

Notes:

At his marriage, his father gave him land in Roxbury, with a dwelling house, mill house, and tan-pits to start him in housekeeping and the business of tanning. He lived there and became a prominent member of the community, frequently chosen to the offices of constable, auditor, fence -viewer, surveyor of highways and sealer of weights and measures. He was Captain of the Roxbury Militia 1733/34.

FindaGrave:
GRID=98102325

Ebenezer married BOARDMAN, Mary on 16 Feb 1709 in Cambridge, MA. Mary (daughter of BOARDMAN, Aaron and HILL, Mary) was born on 6 May 1689 in Cambridge, MA; died on 12 Jun 1728 in Roxbury, MA; was buried about 12 Jun 1728 in Roxbury, MA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Ebenezer married JACKSON, Hannah on 28 Aug 1729. Hannah was born on 10 Aug 1692 in Newton, MA; died on 17 Mar 1747 in Roxbury, MA; was buried in Mar 1747 in Roxbury, MA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• _COLOR: 11
• Graduation: 1711, Cambridge, MA
• Occupation: Between 1716 and 1768, Mendon, MA; Pastor, First Church of Mendon

Notes:

Copy of old Letter, Mary Rawson second daughter of Rev. Grindall Rawson born June 22, 1699, m arried April 9, 1724, to Rev. Joseph Dorr her father's successor in the m inistry at Mendon. He graduated at Harvard College 1711. Settled in M endon 1716, died March 9, 1768 in 79th year of his age. His epitaph in forms us that he was endued with good sense, his temper was mild and pl acid, he excelled in the virtues if meekness, patience, temperance, sob riety, gravity, benevolence, and charity- was a good scholar advances D ivine and exemplary Christian. JOSEPH DORR Joseph Dorr, second minister of Mendon, MA., was one of the younger chi ldren of Edward and Elizabeth (Hawley) Dorr of Roxbury. The father has b een called "the Reverend" but there is no evidence that he was anything m ore than a respected citizen and a member of the church of Roxbury. Jo seph did not take up residence at the College until the beginning of th e sophomore year of his Class. He achieved neither honors nor notable c ensures although he was fined in every quarter of his junior year. Per haps this fairly good record can be laid to Joseph Sewall (A.D. 1707), a n older student, who recorded in his diary: "God helped me to perform w hat (If I Mistake not I have attempted once & Again, i.e..,) To Speak t o Dorr of his Soul's concern to exhort him earnestly to give himself to C hrist." Dorr took his first degree in due course, but got into difficu lties when he came up for the M.A. three years later. He submitted an a ffirmative answer to the Question, " An Essential Rerun sint aeternae?" t he religious implications of which do not seem to have troubled the col lege authorities. But over in Boston Judge Sewall was distressed, and t ook the matter in his parson, Ebenezer Pemberton (A. B. 1691). Mr. Pemberton seemed to approve of it. When he did not explain it t o my satisfaction; He said, I have for got my Philosophy. Upon my ment ioning Divinity, He said, There was nothing of Divinity in it. This he s poke with an air of displeasure. I came away, Meeting Mr. Remington (J onathan, A. B. 1696) in the street I told him of it, and desired him to s peak to the president; and by Mr. Higginson next day I received a kind l etter from the President with a Master's Thesis in it corrected as it n ow stands. And the Question stands on the printed sheet as the affirmative of , " An Novitas essendi sit de ratione Creations?" As there is no evide nce that Dorr tool part in the exercises, he probably not asked to writ e a new essay. That same year, 1714 found Mr. Dorr keeping the school at Andover. D espite his Question he aimed to enter the ministry, and accepted an inv itation to preach at Mendon. There were troublesome Quakers in Mendon, b ut they were at least not addicted to scalping as were the Indians who t errified Andover schoolmasters. The young preacher satisfied the churc h members, and at the town meeting of February 9, 1715/16, it was " pro posed to the Town to Bring in their votes for Their Concurrence in the C hurch's choice of Rev. Joseph Dorr to Be Their Pastor, which was accord ingly Don and voted to be the Town's Minister." Two weeks later he and t he town fathers came to an agreement on the terms. Imprimis. That they will give him for a yearly salary The Sum of s eventy-five pounds per annum, after the first year & the first year sev enty pounds To be paid in money... 2nd. That they will give for Settlement or Encouragement the sum o f One hundred and sixty pounds, One hundred pounds in money... and Sixt y pounds to be paid in Labor & materials for and towards the building o f him an house amongst us... The ordination took place on February 25, 1716. It was not until April 9, 1724, that Mr. Dorr obtained a mistress f or his new house in the person of Mary, a daughter of his predecessor, t he Reverend Grindall Rawson, A. B. 1678. She was a happy choice, for " S he filled up the measure of her days with religion and devotion... was a t ender, courteous, affable and obliging disposition; confined not to her o ffices of kindness and respect to her family ... was such a friend as l oveth at all times, expressed by a constant series of doing good to all i n their varying circumstances." The Dorr's had four or five children, d epending on whether Katherine and Elizabeth were twins or a mistake in t he record. The only son, Joseph, was graduated in 1752. Mary became hi s wife of the Reverend Moses Taft (A. B. 1751), and Susannah, the secon d wife of Reverend Amariah Frost (A. B. 1740). While an increasing family and inflation were burdening the parson 's purse, the freeing of the Quakers and the Baptists from the necessit y of contributing to his salary and the separation from the church of M endon of what are now the First Churches of Bellingham, Uxbridge, Upton , Milford, and Blackstone were making it difficult for the church to me ets his needs. they did, however, from time to time take special contr ibutions and voter him supplementary sums sometimes as large as the sal ary itself. In general, he kept the affections of his parishioners by s uch acts of kindness as petitioning to the court for leniency for a lad y of the congregation who had violated the seventh commandment. It may Justly be Supposed that as the End of the law which is refo rmation is fully answered with respect to her with out the Execution of i t. These are therefore to Desire that She may with her Judges find as m uch Clemency and favour as can Consist with the Law. Mr. Dorr has been called a New-Light because he signed the Testimo ny and Advice of July 7, 1743, but his experiences during the Great Awa kening suggest that he was not New-Light enough for a large minority of h is congregation. Although his " temper was mild and placid," and " He e xcelled in the virtues of meekness, patience, temperance, sobriety, gra vity, benevolence, and charity," he was in some sort of ecclesiastical d ifficulty and appealing for advice to the Worcester association of mini sters in October, 1740. That the dissatisfied members of his congregat ion took a like step is shown by a resolution which he offered in the t own meeting of March 2, 1741. Gentleman, In as much as an opposing party in this Town have Obtained a j udgement of a Council Against the Minister of the Town, without a Trial , Relating to his administration viz: - of a Council Chosen by them Sel ves in so private a manner that the pastor of the Church had No Copy of t he Letters Missive until after the Letters were Sent out to the Churche s - If you judge that the Minister of this Town Ought to be defended ag ainst Such Proceedings and you will defend him Signify it by Lifting up y our hands. Gentlemen, if you will choose three persons as a Committee chosen b y the Church, or by that part of it that adheres to the Pastor to advis e and concur with them in the choice of a Council, if they shall think f it, to judge of the Result of the late Council Chosen by the opposite p arty here by lifting up your hands. The Parson retained the support of a majority, but " a great numbe r " of the dissatisfied appealed to the General Court on the grounds t hat Mr. Dorr would not abide by the results of their council and would d o nothing " to give the Petitioners reasonable satisfaction." As a con sequence the parish of mill River, later the town of Milford, was set u p. the strict theology of the new covenant suggests that the division w as not simply geographical. There was , however, no doubt cast upon Mr . Dorr. He was a man... of singular virtue, sobriety and temperance, a M an of good learning, polemical, political and divine, a father to his f amily, flock, and ministers, in the Vicinity: a faithful Minister ... a s trict adherent to the doctrines of grace ... (He) highly recommended th e examination of candidates, for the work of he ministry; preventive (i f possible) of the introduction of men unsound in the faith into the mi nistry, a great friend to our English Liberties, was much concerned for t he peace and good order of the Churches. ... It was in an effort to further these ends that he joined in the ga thering of the Mendon association of ministers, of which he was the fir st moderator. Through all these years Mr. Dorr carried on the entire work of the m inistry of Mendon without assistance than a few sermons from schoolmast er Samuel Terry (A. b. 1710) at a time when the parson was sick. Final ly, in April, 1767, the parish sent a committee to ask the old minister o n what terms he would retire. He replied: I have Duly Considered the S ame and accordingly Propose as follows, viz. Considering the difficulty y ou Labor under and to preserve peace a among your and to enable and enc ourage your to proceed with Unanimity and Cheerfulness to the Settlemen t of another Gospel minister, I find in myself a freedom to accept of t he Sum of Thirteen Pounds, Six Shillings and Eight pence, Lawful Money, A nnually, During my Natural Life, tho at the same time, as my Worldly Es tate is small, Labor dear and I am unable by reason of my great age and I nfirmities to manage my affairs to advantage, I am apprehensive that sa id sum will fall short of a Necessary Support, yet Considering the Long T erm of years I have Labored among you in the Gospel of Christ, I am Per suaded, my Brethren, you will not See me suffer Extreme want. On March 9, 1768, before the parish had called another minister un der this agreement, Mr. Dorr died, then being in the fifty-second year o f his service and the seventy-ninth of his age. His widow followed him o n April 9, 1776.

Joseph married RAWSON, Mary on 9 Apr 1724 in Mendon, MA. Mary was born on 22 Jun 1699 in Mendon, MA; died on 9 Apr 1776 in Mendon, MA; was buried in Mendon, MA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• _COLOR: 11

Notes:

Edmund Dorr and Mary Griswold settled at Lyme, where he carried on the business of a clothier, or cloth dresser. He was a man of mind, and of indomitable perseverance. And he and a few other members of the first congregational society of Lyme carried on an ecclesiastical controversy with Rev. Jonathan Parsons, the third minister of Lyme, who married Phebe Griswold, his wife's niece. During this controversy, he obtained the sobriquet of "Servant Dorr," which he retained for life.

FindaGrave:
GRID=74022769

Edmund married GRISWOLD, Mary on 4 Sep 1719 in Lyme, CT. Mary (daughter of GRISWOLD, Matthew and HYDE, Phebe) was born on 22 Apr 1694 in Lyme, CT; died on 21 Feb 1776 in Lyme, CT; was buried in Lyme, CT. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• _COLOR: 11
• Appointed: Between 1 Mar 1724 and 1725, Roxbury, MA; Clerk of the Market

Notes:

Harbottle Dorr, son of Edward Dorr and Elizabeth Hawley, was born in Bo ston, May 1696 and died there in 1746. He was a leather draper in Bost on where he married in 1724, Dorothy Weld, who at his decease, was appo inted his administrator. With her he settled in Boston and carried on t here his trade of Leather Draper. His son, Harbottle is called in lega l papers after his decease " of Boston, Esquire. The inventory of his e state indicated a condition of great responsibility." "Harbottle Dorr's remarks at Parish meeting." The last time the Proprietors met, was on a Sabbath day, after div ine service, in the afternoon, which in my humble opinion was not well t imed, or the notice properly given: as not only "the Proprietors if Pew s, but the constant contributors" were notified, although the Law which w e have adopted (and which is the only rule to direct us in these matter s knows only the owners. There was something which was called a vote passed though there wa s no negative put, which always ought to be, and is practiced every whe re else, that each Proprietor and etc. should from time to time mark hi s money, which vote several were dissatisfied with, (Myself among the r est) not only as to the method of voting, without putting the negative, b ut as there was not time to deliberate on such an affair. I think we o ught to settle things now on a sure bottom and that the Proprietors oug ht to know whether it is expected that any tax should be paid during th e blockade of the Town, if none is expected then there ought to be a vo te of the Society, and properly recorded, "that not tax shall be paid d uring that period", otherwise in case of any of the owners in time to c ome, should have occasion to fill their Pews, the Committee would have p ower by Law, to deduct so much as their Tax came to within that time, w hich would be very unjust. I would beg leave to propound a few queries ; first premising that I have always paid my tax cheerfully, and shall f or future, if the burden doth not lay on a part instead of the whole. Query 1, Whether when it was voted at the last meeting "that from t hat time they would begin to mark their money as usual" it was to be un derstood that we were then to begin anew; and consequently that all the m oney due for Taxes, at the time the town was blockaded was to be sunk o r remitted? Query 2, Whether there was not a large sum due for Taxes at that t ime, viz. when the Town was first Blockaded; and whether it ought not t o be collected, or delinquents proceeded with agreeable to the Law whic h we have adopted. Query 3, Whether we have any other rule to direct us, but the law a bove said, except it is set aside, in whole, or in part by a vote of th e Proprietors? Query 4, Whether it is not partial to take Pews as forfeited, if a ll the delinquents are not proceeded with in the same manner? Query 5, Whether it is not unequal that A. should pay if it was b ut one penny tax, on his pew, when perhaps B. who owners a better Pew, o r is in better circumstances pays but a farthing, or perhaps nothing? Query 6. Whether that is not precisely the case, if some persons c onstantly pay their Tax, and after some years there is a great deficien cy from some persons not paying any or but a small part, and the money d ue which makes the deficiency, is from one period to another remitted, a s has been the case once and again, since the deceased of the Rev. Mr. Webb, whereby a very large sum, which ought to have been in stock, i s sunk? Query 7, Whether the Committee has not from time to time, taxed so me Pews, according to the ability of the owners and not according to th e Convenience, or situation of them, which is only mode pointed out by t he law? Query 8, Whether taxing the Pews in that manner, would not if it w ere contested, overset the whole Tax? Query 9, Whether the Proprietors ought not to have an Annual Meet ing, and the Treasurer's Accounts be audited - and the Society made acq uainted with a True state of their affairs from Year to Year? I submit the above to the Conclour of the Society, and mean not to g ive offence to any; at the same remembering that he who never dares giv e offence is not an honest man. Signed Harbottle Dorr

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• Misc: 31 May 1745, Roxbury, MA; Church Members

Notes:

The affection had for Edward by his father and grandfather is expressed i n their wills. The latter directs that "when the house and land in Rox bury is to be sold my grandson Edward Dorr of Roxbury, have the refusal o f it at 10 pounds cheaper price than any other person shall whatsoever" . His father gives him one and a half shares in the division of his es tate and directs that he shall have all the real estate at its appraise d value; or "if he does take the whole, he shall have the liberty to ta ke my Dwelling-house, Barn, Yards, and all the Conveniences for the Tan ning business at its appraised value". Also "my son Edward shall have m y Silver hilted Sword in consideration of its tender of dutiful behavio r to his own mother".

FindaGrave:
GRID=62601480 

Family/Spouse: RUGGLES, Abigail. Abigail was born on 12 May 1726 in Roxbury, MA; died on 5 Jun 1745 in Roxbury, MA; was buried in Roxbury, MA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: LORING, Abigail. Abigail was born on 29 Dec 1712 in Boston, MA; died on 6 Apr 1743 in Roxbury, CT; was buried in Roxbury, MA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Family/Spouse: GRIDLEY, Abigail. Abigail was born in 1726 in MA; died on 19 Jun 1820 in MA; was buried in Amesbury, MA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• _COLOR: 6
• Possessions: 6 Jan 1735/6, Roxbury, MA; Negro girl named Flora
• Correspondence: 1757, Roxbury, MA; Letter to Pastor Rev. Mr. Amos Adams
• Possessions: 6 Oct 1767, Boston, MA; Purchased of Hugh Hall for 112 Pounds, a large track of land, on the westerly side of Orange Street.
• Military: 1773, Boston, MA
• Appointed: 30 Aug 1776, Roxbury, MA; A committee of Correspondence

Notes:

He lived and died in Roxbury, where he carried on the business of tanning. he was a prominent citizen of the town, and was appointed in 1772 on the Committed of Correspondence and again in 1774, one of the Committee of Fifteen to "carry into execution the agreement and association of the Continental Congress." In the losses sustained by the people of Roxbury the next year he was one of the principal sufferers.
1 His wife was Amy Plimpton of Medfield. By her he had 13 children, 8 sons and 5 daughters. Seven of the these sons served in the continental army.
2 The second, Ebenezer (who was the grandfather of Gov. Dorr of Rhode Island), was the one to convey the intelligence of the intended expedition of the British to Lexington on April 19, 1775. He went out over Boston Neck to Roxbury the night before, "mounted on a slow-jogging horse, with saddle-bags behind him, and a large flapped hat upon his head to resemble a countryman on a journey." The Americans obtained this news, through an individual by the name of Jasper, an Englishman, a gunsmith by trade, whose shop was in Hatter's Square; he worked for the British, but was friendly to the rebels; a Sergeant major quartered in his family and made a confident of him, telling him all their plans. Jasper repeated the same to Col Waters, who made it known to the Committee of Safety. The Colonel has often told this story, years after, to his then young friend, Joseph Curtiss, who is still living. From "Paul Revere and the World he lived in" by Esther Forbes, published 1942 - "Rev. John Elliott once wrote to another divine... In this town the most respectable triumvirate, Thomas Crafts, Paul Revere and Harbottle Dorr." The idea that Paul Revere was the only rider that night was so picturesquely implanted in the American mind that Longfellow in 1863 there was natural reaction when it was learned that he was by no means put alone (although Revere and William Dawes were sent officially) others noticed something was afoot that day.... Those were Ebenezer Dorr (and two others). All three of these men were among the 'countrymen' Revere mentioned as having been collected in the pasture before he himself was caught. " Listed in the records of Roxbury Vol. 7. "The intelligence that the British intended to go out to Lexington was conveyed over Boston Neck to Roxbury by Ebenezer Dorr of Boston, Leather Dresser or tanner, who mounted on a slow going horse with saddlebags behind him and a large, flapped hat on his head to resemble a countryman. Colonel Josiah Waters of Boston, a staunch Whig, and one who later helped build Roxbury forts, followed on foot on side paths at a short distance (behind) till he saw Dorr safely past the sentinels."

Ebenezer married PLIMPTON, Ama on 5 Mar 1734/5. Ama (daughter of PLIMPTON, Joseph and PARTRIDGE, Priscilla) was born on 5 Mar 1714 in Medfield, MA; died on 21 Nov 1782 in Roxbury, MA; was buried on 23 Nov 1782 in Roxbury, MA. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• Burial: Roxbury, MA; Address:
  Eliot Burying Ground
• _COLOR: 11

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GRID=64851588

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• Misc: 7 Oct 1741, Roxbury, MA; Church Member

Sarah married PIERPONT, James on 12 Jul 1753 in Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada. James was born in 1721 in Roxbury, MA; died on 12 Jul 1753 in Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• _COLOR: 2

Edmund married STILLMAN, Sarah on 9 Dec 1750 in Wethersfield, CT. Sarah was born on 2 Dec 1728 in Wethersfield, CT; died on 21 Feb 1800 in Wethersfield, CT. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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GRID=210634663

George married MARVIN, Sarah on 16 Mar 1742 in Lyme, CT. Sarah and died. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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GRID=11435704

Edward married TALCOTT, Helena on 27 Apr 1748 in Hartford, CT. Helena (daughter of TALCOTT, Gov. Joseph and HOWELL, Eunice) was born on 13 Mar 1719 in Hartford, CT; died on 9 Jul 1797 in Hartford, CT; was buried in Hartford, CT. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• _COLOR: 11

Notes:

Capt. Mathew Dorr, clothier, of Lyme, Conn, removed to East Haddam, Conn, where his first wife died. In 1795 he removed with his second wife to Athens Co, Ohio. 

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GRID=66294927

Matthew married PALMER, Elizabeth on 4 Nov 1747. Elizabeth died in CA 1775. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Matthew married WOOD, Lydia in 1776. Lydia and died. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• _COLOR: 11

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GRID=74284076

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Eve married GRIFFIN, George on 9 Mar 1762 in Lyme, CT. George was born on 10 Jul 1735 in CT; died on 6 Aug 1814 in CT; was buried in Lyme, CT. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• _COLOR: 11

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GRID=14090786

Elizabeth married TRACY, Dr. Elisha in CA 1752 in CT. Elisha was born on 17 May 1712 in Norwich, CT; died on 1 May 1783 in Franklin, CT; was buried in Norwich, CT. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• _COLOR: 11

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GRID=28508129

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GRID=64852357

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GRID=62602055

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• _COLOR: 2
• Misc: 27 Mar 1759, Roxbury, MA; Committee Member
• Misc: 18 Nov 1764, Roxbury, MA; Church Member
• Military: Between 10 Apr 1776 and 10 Apr 1778, Brookfield, MA

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He settled in NH.

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• _COLOR: 2
• Misc: 27 Mar 1759, Roxbury, MA; Committee member
• Misc: 17 Feb 1760, Roxbury, MA; Church Member
• Appointed: Bef 1780, Roxbury, MA; Member of Committee of Correspondence and Safety.
• Residence: 1789, Boston, MA; Orange Street
• Will: 22 May 1804, Boston, MA
• Will: 4 Sep 1809, Boston, MA

Notes:

This Ebenezer owned a half-acre lot in Athens County, OH. and a three a cre lot in Washington County, OH, which his heirs (son of Ebenezer and w ife Clarissa, William and wife Lucinda, Abigail and husband David Child , Elizabeth, John and wife Esther, Andrew and wife Charlotte, Samuel, S ullivan and Wife Lydia, Henry and wife Mary Ann, Lucretia and husband J oshua Child) sold to Douglas Putnam in Jan 1836 for $11.

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• Military: 1773, Boston, MA
• Will: 10 Jul 1780, Boston, MA
• Probate: 11 Aug 1780, Boston, MA

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• _COLOR: 2
• Military: Between 29 Jul 1778 and 10 Sep 1778, Boston, MA

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• _COLOR: 6
• Military: Between Apr 1775 and Dec 1775, MA
• Residence: 1788, Columbia, ME

Notes:

Came from Wales, England and first settled in Steuben, ME. Moved into Columbia, ME in 1788. Revolutionary War soldier from Gouldsboro, ME. 04 Sep 1775

Jonathan married DOWNES, Eunice on 15 Nov 1773 in Dover, NH. Eunice (daughter of DOWNS, Ebenezer Jr. and WALTON, Jane) was born about 1753 in Dover, NH; died in 1840 in Columbia, ME. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

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• Misc: 17 Feb 1760, Roxbury, MA; Church Member

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• Military: 19 Apr 1775, Roxbury, MA
• Misc: 23 Jan 1780, Roxbury, MA; Church Member

Notes:

This man was active in a humble way during the Revolutionary war and be fore. On the stirring night of Dec. 16, 1773, when a band of men disgu ised as Indians and armed with axes went aboard ships in Boston harbor a nd unloaded their cargoes of taxed tea into the salt water, William, th en sixteen, and a number of other young men, went along with the men an d participated in the exploit. At the age of 18, about the last of September 1775, William accompanied G eneral Arnold's expedition to Quebec during the Revolutionary war throu gh the Maine wilderness. Starting at Fort Western (now Augusta) and yo ung William Dorr and his pet dog were with the little army. About thre e miles below the starting point as the various detachments of the army c ame up, the men stopped to refresh themselves at a beautiful spring, wh ich bubbled from the hills by the banks of the Kennebec River. Among t he rest, William was very much fascinated with the spot, and in his ent husiasm declared to his comrades that when the war was over he was goin g back to Boston and get married, and bring his wife up to that spring a nd settle down. He did so and he and his wife Jane lived there while s ix of his nine children were born. The little city of Hallowell now st ands there. In 1788 he founded the town of Hallowell (a suburb of Augus ta, Maine) at a spot on the Kennebec River he had greatly admired on hi s earlier expedition to Canada. In terrible march starvation repeatedly stared them in the face. Their e xtremity became so great that William's dog was killed and eaten by his m ess. William himself kept a small bone from his faithful friend's leg a s a memento, and when his hunger became unbearable he would draw it fro m his pocket and hold it in his mouth, declaring that he drew strength f rom it. An aide to General Montgomery, he fought on the Plains of Abraham and w as subsequently captured and imprisoned on a ship in the St. Lawrence R iver, suffering many hardships. Expedition Against Quebec A journal of the March from Cambridge on an expedition against Quebec, i n Col. Benedict Arnold's Detachment, 13 Sep 1775. 13th. Sept. Marched from Cambridge in the evening, and encamped that e vening at Malden that night. 14th. This morning marched very early, an encamped that evening at Bev erly. This day marched 25 miles - weather very sultry. Nothing materia l. 15th. This morning marched briskly along, and got into Newburyport at 8 o 'clock at night, where we were to make a stay for some days. 16th. In Newburyport, waiting for the vessels, getting ready to carry u s to Kennebec. 17th. This day had a general review, and our men appeared well, and in g ood spirits, and made a grand appearance, and we had the praise of hund reds of spectators, who were sorry to see so many brave fellows going t o be sacrificed for their country. 18th. Had orders to embark in the evening; our fleet consisted of elev en vessels, sloops and schooners; our number of troops, consisted of 13 00 and 11 companies of musketman and three of rifleman. 19th. Early this morning weighed anchor with a pleasant gale, our colo rs flying, drums and fifes a playing, and the hills all around covered w ith pretty girls weeping fro their departing swains. This night had li ke to have proved fatal to us. We were immediately all called upon dec k, expecting every moment to be dashed in pieces against the rocks, but t he wind fortunately freshen, we got clear after several tacks, to the g reat joy of us all. 20th. Arrived in Kennebec River, rowed and sailed up against the wind a nd tide. 21st. Arrived at Fort Weston, where we halted for some days, and here w e were furnished with bateaux and provisions, for carrying us up the ri ver. Continued here the 22,23,24th. 25th. Embarked on board our bateaux and arrived at Fort Halifax in the e vening of the 26th. 27th. Carried over Ticonic Falls our bateaux and provisions, 40 rods a nd carriages, and pushed up three miles. 28th. Pushed up eight miles, the water so bad that the bateaux men wer e obliged to drag the boats up over the shoals, and in many places were u p to their chins in water. 29th. Pushed up to the second carrying-place, called Cohiggin Falls. 30th. Carried over 60 rods and pushed up 3 miles. October 1st. Pushed up over rocks and shoals, where we were many times o verhead in water, pulling the bateaux over, and arrived at the carrying p lace in the evening. 2nd. This day carried over Norridgewalk Falls, one mile and a quarter a nd then encamped very uncomfortably this night after carrying our boats o ver roots and mud. 3rd. Pushed up 11 Miles on our way. Capt. Hendrick's company of rifle man shot a young moose, which weighed about 200 lbs; but we had none of i t, they being before us. This day we left all inhabitants and entered a n uncultivated country, and a barren wilderness. The timber for the mo st part is birch, pine, and hemlock. Some places on the riverside there a re pieces of ground, where large sugar trees grow. 4th. Pushed up eight miles to Tintucket or Hell Gate Falls, and carrie d over forty perches. 5,6,7th. Pushed up to the head of the Kennebec, where we carried out i nto a pond. These three last days we came about 20 miles. 8th. This day we pushed on very briskly, it being Sunday, the foremost c ompany lying still on account of heavy rains, but we marched all day, i t being very wet and cold, and we suffered a good deal from the incleme ncy of the weather, and came up with some of them at night. 9,10,11th. Carried to the first pond 3 1/2 miles land carried crossed t he pond two miles. 12,13th. Carried to a second pond 3/4 of a mile, crossed the pond one m ile over, then carried 2 miles to a 3d pond and crossed the pond two mi les over. 14,15th. Carried into Dead River three miles and went up one mile, the n encamped at night. This river runs so still, that it can scarcely be p erceived which way it runs; it is black water, about rods wide and runs S E. 16th. The water now being deep and dead, we betook ourselves to our ba rge and rowed up for six miles. 17th. Rowed up (after carrying over a small carrying place, about 10 r ods) 16 miles. 18th. Rowed 20 miles, and carried over a small carrying place. 19th. Carried over 4 carrying places, and rowed up about five miles th is day. 20, 21, 22nd. Were detained in our tents by heavy rain. 23rd. The water being shallow, we were obliged to lay by our oars and t ake our setting poles; we pushed up 10 miles. 24th. Our provisions growing scanty, and some of our men being sick, h eld a council and agreed to send back the sick back, and to send a Capt ain and 50 men forward to the inhabitants as soon as possible that they m ight send us some provisions. Accordingly the sick were sent back and C apt Handchit with 50 men was sent forward. Before this Col. Enos, with t hree captains and their companies turned back and took with them large s tores of provisions and ammunition, being discouraged (as we supposed) b y difficulties they met with. This day got forward nine miles. The wa ter very rapid and many of our boats were upset and much of our baggage l ost and provisions and guns. 25th. Snowed all night; very cold this morning, pushed over the carryi ng places, and got forward 8 miles this day. 26th. Pushed up 4 ponds and carried over two carrying places one of th em a mile over. The ground covered with snow. 27th. Crossed a pond 1/2 mile over, and carried 15 rods to another pon d. 2 miles over, to the Great Carrying place, 4 miles and 5 perches ov er. Here it was agreed to leave most of our bateaux, being greatly fat igued by carrying over such hills, rocks and swamps which were never pa ssed by man before. 28th. After carrying over the Great carrying place, we encamped by a s mall stream, running into Chaudiere Pond; dealt out to each about 4 pin ts of flour and what little meat we had, which was about 4 oz. per man. 29th. Early this morning set out for the head of Chaudiere river. This d ay we suffered greatly by our bateaux passing by us, for we had to wade w aist high through swamps and rivers and breaking ice before us. Here w e wandered around all day and came at night to the same place, we left i n the morning, where we found a small dry spot, where we made a fire, a nd we were obliged to stand up all night in order to dry ourselves and k eep from freezing. We continued so till next day when a bateaux came u p and took us across the river. 30th. At noon were relieved from our miserable situation and we made t he best of our way through the woods for Chaudiere. 31st. Pushed on for Chaudiere with all speed, in hopes of overtaking o ur bateaux in order to get some flour, for ours was all expended; but t o our great grief and sorrow, our bateaux were stove and the flour was l ost, and the men barely escaped with their lives; now we were in a mise rable situation, not a mouthful of provisions, and by account 70 miles f rom inhabitants, and we had a wilderness, barren and destitute of any s ustenance to go through, where we expected to suffer hunger, cold and f atigue. Here the Captain with the ablest men pushed forward, in order t o get provisions to send back for the sick. Nov 1st. This morning started very early and hungry and little satisfi ed with our night's rest. Traveled all day very briskly, and at night e ncamped in a miserable situation. Here we killed a dog and we made a g reat feast without either bread or salt, we have been 4 or 5 days witho ut any provisions, and we went to sleep that night, a little better sat isfied (Probably William Dorr's dog). Our distress was so great, that d ollars were offered for bits of bread, as big as the palm of one's hand . 2nd. This morning when we arose, many of us were so weak, that we coul d hardly stand, and we staggered about like drunken men. However we ma de shift to get our packs on, and marched off hoping to see some inhabi tants this night. A small stick across the road was sufficient to brin g the stoutest to the ground. In the evening we came in sight of the c attle coming up the riverside, which were sent by Col. Arnold, who got i n two days before. It was the joyous sight that ever I beheld, and som e could not refrain from crying for joy. We were told by the men, who c ame with the cattle, that we were twenty, miles from the nearest inhabi tants. Here we killed a creature, and we made a noble feast and some o f the men were so hungry, before the creature was dead, the hide and fl esh were on the fire broiling. 3rd. Marched this day 20 miles, wading several small rivers, some of t hem up to our middle and very cold. In the evening came in sight of a h ouse, the first we had seen for 41 days. 4th. Last night had a plenty of beef and potatoes, but little or no br ead to be had. Snowed most of the night. In the morning marched down t he river to inhabitants thick settled 5th. Continued our march down the river. The people were very hospita ble, provisions plenty, but very dear, milk one-shilling sterling per q uart, and bread a shilling per loaf, weighing no more than 3 pounds. C ame this day twelve miles. 6th. Came up with Col. Arnold, and the advance party. Marched off tog ether at 2 o'clock and marched till 12 o'clock at night. Roads excessi vely bad, most of the way mid deep, with mud and water. Marched 17 mile s. 7th. Marched three miles, and then halted till night, when a lieutenan t and 20 men were sent forward, to see if our way was clear. Accordingl y they marched till near 2 o'clock in the morning, and when we halted w e were in sight of Quebec, the river St. Lawrence between us and the to wn. 8th. Took up our quarters along the riverside, until our troops behind c ould come up; here we stayed until the 13th. By this time all the men a live were coming up, several having perished with hunger in the woods. D uring our stay here, we took a midshipman, belonging to a frigate in th e harbor, who came on shore with others in a boat to carry away flour f rom a mill on our side of the river. The river is about one mile or so me better wide. At the city one 28 gun frigate and a sloop of war, wit h some merchantmen in the harbor. 13th. Crossed the river at night in long boats and canoes. Some of th e canoes over set in the river, but none of the men lost, only some few g uns and some clothes. Got all over against morning at a place called W olf's cove. 14th. This morning were fired upon by the frigate, but received no dam age; took up our quarters in some good houses near the town, which were f orsaken by the owners. Here we remained till the 20th. During which t ime we were informed that there were not more than 100 regulars in the c ity, with a number of sailors and other new recruits, in all not exceed ing four hundred under arms. The first day we came over the river, we p assed close by the walls of the town, and gave three cheers without bei ng molested by the enemy, who fired a few shots from their cannon, but d id us no harm. 21st. Marched up the river 20 miles to Point Aux Tremble, our ammuniti on being almost expended, and too scanty to attack the town with. Here w e joined by Gen. Montgomery with York forces from Montreal, who had tak en St. John's fort, Chambles and Montreal. In these places they took a g reat quantity of provisions, clothing, ammunition and cannon, with 950 p risoners. Remained here till 5th December, when we marched back to Que bec, and laid siege to the town. Continued the siege until the 29th, du ring which time we took several prisoners and cannonaded and bombarded e ach other both day and night. During these transactions the two men who h ad ever been left with Lt. M'Cleland, came to us and informed us that t hey had buried him at the first inhabitants, after he had been brought d own the river by two Indians, hired by Capt. Smith for that purpose. Sunday, Dec 29, 30, 31st. This night prepared to storm the city in tw o different places. Gen Montgomery with York forces on one quarter and C ol. Arnold on the other hand. It began to thicken up towards night and s nowed very much. We were ordered to be in readiness, and at 2 o'clock a t night, we were mustered, and got all fit for scaling the walls and ma rched near the city, some with ladders, some with axes, and some with s aws. Gen, Montgomery with his forces, on the one quarter and Col. Arno ld on the other hand. Gen Montgomery was to throw three rockets into t he air for a signal for each party to strike together. Accordingly, ab out 5 o'clock, in the morning, began the attack; but they could not get t o the walls, but retreated back to their quarters, Gen. Montgomery and t wo leading officers were killed by the fire from the city. There were t hree or four false flashes made, for a signal to retreat, Col. Arnold d id not receive them, but carried on the attack on his quarter, and got p ossession of their two-gun battery, and took 70 prisoners carried back, a nd the captains themselves then took the lead, and drove the enemy, unt il overpowered by numbers and surrounded, we were obliged to surrounded o urselves prisoners of war. During the attack Capt. Hendrick and Capt. H ubbard, with Capt Morgan's first Lieutenant were killed. Likewise they s et St. Roche all on fire. We were all put in the French convent, and t here they gave us a gill of rum to drink and hard bread to eat. William Dorr is listed as captured in Capt. Ward's company. Prison 1 Jan 1776. Our allowance of provisions is one pound of bread and a ha lf-pound of pork, and one gill of rice for a day, and 6 oz of butter fo r a week. 2nd. In Prison. This day we had a cask of porter sent to us by some g entleman of the Town. 3, 4th. The general sent for a list of our names, of the old countrym en in particular by themselves, that were with us, and they chiefly lis ted in the king's service. 5 to 8th. The prisoners petitioned to have their packs sent in to them , where-upon they sent out a flag, and received them for us. 8 to 15th. The general sent for a list of the occupations of the pris oners. The small pox is very plenty with us. 15 to 19th. Capt. Hubbard died with the wound he received a coming in . 19 to 22nd. Five of those that listed out of prison, and five others d eserted the garrison in the night. There were two men put in irons for a ttempting to break out of prison. 22 to 25th. There were three vessels and a house burnt by our people. T he enemy went into St. Roche after plunder. There were two of our peop le taken a going to set fire to the shipping. 25 to 29th. There were eight men deserted the garrison. The people go o ut into St. Roche every day, and fetch in the remains of the buildings t hat were burnt. 29 to 31st. Two men of Capt. Ward's company died with the small pox. T he men are getting well, some of them. Feb 1 to 5th. There were 2 men deserted, 7 of our men died with small p ox, and one man died with pleurisy. He was sick but 4 days. 5 to 9th. Three men deserted. Forty men lay sick in prison. 9 to 12th. Very snowy. The storm very heavy. Three men were stifle d to death in the night on duty. 12 to 16th. This morning 60 men went to the hospital with small pox. T he men have it very favorably. 16 to 20th. Six of the old countrymen, that listed out deserted, and t he remainder of them put into prison again, because they deserted. 20 to 24th. Five men die with small pox. The enemy made an attempt to c ut out after our people's cannon, and got drove back. There was a cont inual firing after them. 24 to 31st. Nothing remarkable. Mar 1st to 6th. Three men deserted. 6 to 10th. One of the prisoners was put in irons for talking with one o f the sentries. We hear that Boston is taken by our people. 10 to 13th. There was an alarm in the city at 10 o'clock at night. A l arge picket was set around the prison, and a field piece before the doo r. 13 to 18th. The "emigrants" are moved into the artillery barracks, an d the rest of us into stone goal and are locked up at 7 o'clock at nigh t. 18 to 25th. Nothing remarkable. 25to 30th. In the night one of the prisoners got out of prison and ru n to our people. We are in a miserable condition having no wood, we al most freeze. 30 to 31st. Most of the prisoners consulted together to break out of p rison, to try their best to take the town, but as one of the persons wa s cutting away some ice at the cellar door, in order to have it handy t o open at a moments, to go out at, the sentry standing nigh, and hearin g the cutting, acquainted then officers of the guard, who acquainted so me other officers and they coming in, inquired who was cutting at the d oor, and what they were (about). On which, one of the prisoners inform ed them of all transactions that were going forward. The officers searc hed all the rooms in the prison, and every man's pack, to see if they c ould find any arms or ammunition, for they supposed some of the people i n the town had supplied us with arms and ammunition; but they could not f ind any such thing with us. At this we were put all in to strong irons . Apr 1st. to 14th. Our people having a battery across the river, at Po int Levi, they threw shot into the town very merry. The officers of th e guard are very particular with us. They call a roll and count us mor ning and evening. 14 to 27th. It is very sickly with us. The scurvy and lameness rage v ery much occasioned by living on salt provisions. 27 to 31st. The town was alarmed in the night. May 1st to 6th. Nothing strange; but in great distress and despair. 6th. This morning 3 ships came in with a re-enforcement of about 1000 m en. All bells in the town rang for joy most of the day. Then all forc es in the town marched out on Abraham's Plain to have a battle with our p eople, but they retreated as fast as possible and left a number of sick i n the hospital. Likewise some of their cannon and ammunition with a nu mber of small arms and packs. 7 to 8th. The general ordered the irons to be taken off the prisoners . The general likewise gave the "Emigrants" their liberty again. This m orning two ships came in. The ships have gone up river, and a number o f troops by land and, for Montreal. 9 to 14th. Three ships and three brigs came in. There were six priso ners put in with us, taken Strolling about. One company set out for Mo ntreal. 14 to 19th. Two ships went out. One of them a packet from England. 19 to 23rd. One ship and a number of small craft came in. Thirteen pr isoners, listed into the king's service. One ship sailed out. 23rd. Our allowance is one pound of soft bread and one pound of beef. 24 to 26th. The militia has laid down their arms. One of those men t hat went out of prison was put aboard a to gun ship; but he did not inc line to enter on board, and they put him in irons, and threatened to ha ng him, but he was taken out of irons and put into prison again in the e vening. Robert Beard was taken out of prison and had got his liberty. H e is going home by water to Ireland. 26 to 30th. One ship went out and twenty came in. there were 8 or 9 p risoners taken out to work; they stayed out 1 or 2 days, and were requi red to swear allegiance to the king, that they would not take up arms a gainst him, and to make it known all experiments against him. 30 to 31st. Four ships came in; one brig and two ship went out. June 1 to 5th. Eighteen ships came in with Gen Burgoyne. There are s ix thousand Hessians and Hanoverians come to assist the king's troops. F ive hundred marched up river fro Montreal. 5th. This day General Carlton with a number of the officers, came to s ee us, and inquired of us whether we had fared as well as they promised u s we should when we were taken. He told him we fared very well. He sa id he did not take us as enemies, and likewise said if he could rely up on our honors, he would send us to New England, if we would be quiet an d peaceable, and not take up arms any more. June 6th. A.D. 1776 A copy of an answer sent to Gen Carlton. May it please you your excellency: We, prisoners in His Majesty's goals, return your Excellency our most h appy and unfeigned thanks for your clemency and goodness to us while in i mprisonment. Being sensible of your humanity, we give your Excellency t hanks for your offer made us yesterday, and having a desire to return t o our friends and families again, we promise not to take up arms agains t His Majesty, but remain peaceable and quiet in our respective places o f abode, and we further assure your Excellency that you may depend on o ur fidelity. So we r emain your Excellency's humble servants. Signed in behalf of the prisoners. June 7 to 12th. Thirteen of the prisoners were taken out to go a fish ing. Two ships sailed. Gov. Carlton has gone up to Montreal. One regi ment has set out for the same place. The French are obliged to send a n umber out of every parish. 12 to 17th. Two of the prisoners that were out at work, ran away. 17 to 21st. A child killed by lightning. Two ships came in. 21 to 25th. Nothing remarkable. 25 to 30th. The soldiers are cut short of their allowance of bread-ha lf pound a week; likewise the prisoners the same. A company marches fo r Montreal. One ship came in. July 1 to 7th. Five ships came in, and three schooners. Two prisoner s were put in with us, which were taken up at Montreal by the Indians. 7 to 14th. Nothing remarkable. 14 to 19th. Col McLean came from Montreal. 19 to 21st. A ship came in. One of the prisoners, that were taken la st, was taken out and confined in close prison in irons for taking sauc y with the provost. 21st. This day number of the prisoners, that went out to work, ran aw ay through the woods. The general has sent after them. 22d. The general has come down from Montreal. 23 to 27th. One ship came in and one went out. One of the prisoners t aken crazy. 27 to 29th. One ship sailed. Two officers came into prison, and enqui red if there were not some of us that wanted shirts. They were told; t here were a number of us that had none. They told us we should all hav e shirts that wanted. They likewise told us, we should be sent home in t en days. 29 to 31st. Our officers have liberty of the town. Aug 1 to 3rd. Nothing Remarkable. 4th. The General sent for all prisoners to come in, who were out in t he country at work that were minded to go home. 5th. This day ninety-five prisoners embarked on board the ship. 6th. This day expected to embark, but were disappointed. 7th. This day the men all in good spirits, and embarked on board the s hips. Sixty of the prisoners on board the Mermaid. 8th. This day our provisions are pork, peas and hard bread. The wind i n our favor, but waiting for orders to sail. At night removed from the M ermaid to the John Christopher 9th. This day our provision is fresh meat and soft bread. The wind i n our favor, but no orders to sail. 10th. Last night a brig came down river with 28 prisoners. At little W olf's Cove, the wind blows up river. 11th. This morning the signal was given for sailing. Weighted anchor a nd went down one mile. At night weighed anchor, and went down the rive r thirteen miles. The weather cold and stormy. 12th. This morning the signal was given. We weighted anchor and beat d own river about 11 miles, and came to an anchor, the wind being strong a gainst us. 13th. This day we lay waiting for the wind. 14th. This morning weighted anchor with a pleasant gale of wind. Sail ed down river about 15 miles, and came to an anchor. Then hove up, and w ith a brisk wind, sailed down the river to the Isle Obeeck, to leagues f rom Quebec. 15th. Having a prosperous gale of wind, we mad sail. In the afternoo n passed a Frigate, lying in the river, to see if there was no fleet co ming up except their own. 16th. This day we had a very brief wind. 17th. The wind breezed up in our favor. 18th. Left Gasey and made St. John's Island. 19th. St. John's Island being 11 leagues long, we sailed by it most o f the day. Hove in sight of Cape Breton Island, before we left Saint J ohns. Espied a ship in distress, cast away on the end of the island he r foremast, mizzenmast and bowsprit carried away. A barge was sent on b oard from our convoy, but we had heard no return. 20th. We were detained by beating round the island to get letters ash ore to the Governor of the island, concerning the wreck that was run as hore. 21st. This day, we had a small breeze of wind against us. At night c ame to an anchor, on order to send a boast ashore with letters to the G overnor. 22nd. This morning the boat went ashore and returned about sunset. Th en hove up with a brisk wind. Sailed all night. 23rd. This day went thro' Canso Gut into Chebucto Bay. Left it this n ight and came in to the open ocean. 24th. It was our misfortune to have the wind ahead, so that we drifte d from our course, and made little or no headway this day. Sunday 25th. The wind still ahead. Changed our course NW. and made C ancer Shore that night. 26th. This day the wind got about almost fair, and breezy up a very b risk gale about dark. 27th. The wind held fair and strong till about 2 o'clock this afterno on. 28th. The wind died away and there was a large swell. 29th. This morning the wind quickened up, and the captain of the ship t ook an observation and found us to be latitude 42, which is Boston lati tude. 30th. A light breeze, but very fair, and continued so this day. 31st. We were told, by the second mate, that we were abreast of New Y ork, and were afraid to put in for a harbor, for fear our Privateers wo uld give them a basting. Sunday, Sep 1st. Were this night informed, that we were south of Penns ylvania. 2nd. This day kept our course SW. until the morning, the wind being y et ahead. 3rd. This morning we were almost up with the Virginia Cape. We about s hip and run upon the other tack. 4th. About 3 o'clock this morning, blew up a squall and a heavy downe r of rain. We were obliged to shorten sail, and stand before it. 5th. Fortune yet frowning in regard to the wind, we look up within ou r points. 6th. We were informed by the shipmen, according to reckoning, that we w ere in the latitude of Philadelphia. Latitude 39, North.

Other Events and Attributes:

• _COLOR: 2
• Military: Between 8 May 1777 and 8 Jul 1777, Roxbury, MA